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Malaysia

Last updated : February 13, 2024

Overview

Law

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1. Citizenship Law

a. Jus Sanguinis and Jus Soli Provisions

The Federal Constitution of Malaysia regulates citizenship in Malaysia through the combination of both jus soli and jus sanguinis structures. While children born in Malaysia to one citizen parent or one parent with permanent residence gain automatic citizenship by descent, children born to a foreign citizen in Malaysia are not eligible for automatic citizenship unless they would otherwise be stateless. For children born out of wedlock, the child may only gain citizenship by descent from the mother, with the father’s nationality being irrelevant in this case. Malaysia’s citizenship legislation does not provide a definition of a stateless person nor does it explicitly mention statelessness.

Malaysia’s citizenship legislation contains gender- discriminatory provisions. While a child born in Malaysia to one citizen parent will gain citizenship by descent, a child born outside Malaysia must be born to a citizen father in order to gain citizenship by descent, meaning they cannot gain citizenship through their mother even though they would if they were born in the territory.

b. Naturalized Citizenship

Apart from obtaining citizenship by operation of law, a person may also acquire citizenship through the naturalization process in Malaysia. The government may, upon application made by any person over the age of twenty-one years who is not a citizen, grant a certificate of naturalization to that person, subject to the fulfillment of certain requirements. In order to be eligible, one must have been resident in Malaysia for ten of the twelve years before application, be of good character, and have adequate knowledge of the Malay language. While stateless persons could be eligible for naturalized citizenship, there is no simplified or expedited procedure for stateless persons or refugees.

c. Dual Citizenship

Malaysian citizenship legislation does not recognize dual citizenship. A Malaysian citizen wishing to gain another country’s citizenship may renounce their Malaysian citizenship. For a foreign citizen who wishes to gain Malaysian citizenship by naturalization, there are no provisions stipulating the process of renunciation of foreign citizenship.

2. Treaty Ratification Status

Malaysia has a comparatively low ratification rate of the treaty bodies relating to statelessness. The country has not ratified any of the relevant treaties other than the CRC and CEDAW, to which it made reservations on provisions relating to statelessness. Malaysia notably has yet to ratify the 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness, the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, the ICCPR, ICESCR, and ICERD. On the CRC, Malaysia made a reservation to Article 7, which ensures that every birth in the territory is registered immediately as well as protects the right of children to acquire a nationality. However, Malaysia did not make a reservation to Article 8 of the CRC which stipulates that, “every child has the right to preserve his or her identity, including nationality”. It has been argued by the UN Secretary General that arbitrary deprivation of nationality can include arbitrarily preventing someone from obtaining or keeping their nationality. This would result in Malaysia being required to ensure the timely acquisition of Malaysian citizenship for children who would otherwise be stateless in its territory. Malaysia has also made a reservation on Article 9(2) of CEDAW, which stipulates that State parties shall grant women equal rights with men concerning the nationality of their children.

The CRC Committee recommended in its concluding observations in 2007 that Malaysia ensure birth registration for those at risk of non-registration, including non-Malaysian children (especially asylum-seeking and refugee children and children born to undocumented parents), children of single mothers, and children born in remote areas. The Committee also expressed concerns regarding the absence of legal protections for refugee and asylum-seeking children, particularly in relation to being subject to detention, prosecution, imprisonment, and deportation. Further, the Committee is concerned with the lack of access to formal education for these children, which includes “Rohingya refugee children who have lived in Malaysia since [the] 1990s”.

In 2018, the CEDAW Committee recommended in its concluding observations that Malaysia amend provisions of the Federal Constitution that deny women equal rights as men to confer nationality to their children.

Status of Accession of International Human Rights Treaties in Southeast Asia Country Stateless 1 Stateless 2 Refugee ICCPR ICESCR ICERD
Country Stateless 1 Stateless 2 Refugee ICCPR ICESCR ICERD CRC CEDAW
Malaysia
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Signifies that the country is a party to the convention
Stateless 1 – 1954 Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons
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Signifies that the country is not a party to the convention
Stateless 2 – 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness

Population

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1. Reported Stateless Persons

Malaysia has the third largest reported stateless population in the Southeast Asia sub-region, reporting 115,169 stateless persons to UNHCR in 2022. The reported stateless population has steadily increased in the last 5 years. UNHCR outlines that this figure comprises 103,380 stateless Rohingya in Malaysia along with 9,040 non-displaced stateless persons in West Malaysia ‘who may be entitled to Malaysian nationality under the law.’ In February 2023, the Home Minister stated that based on statistics from 2013 to 2023, there are 132,272 applications nationwide to become Malaysian citizens.

2. Persons at Risk of Statelessness

A number of groups at risk of or affected by statelessness have been recognized in Malaysia, including persons who have resided in Malaysia since pre-independence as well as their descendants (including individuals of Tamil ethnicity), children of mixed-nationality marriages (through the impact of gender discriminatory nationality laws), indigenous persons (including mobile maritime populations and Orang Asli communities), refugees and irregular migrants (and their children) in Sabah East Malaysia, as well as persons lacking documentation and foundling children.

3. Stateless Refugee

In 2022, of the 115,169 reported stateless persons, 103,380 were stateless Rohingya refugees in Malaysia. While previously welcomed and supported by Malaysia, the Rohingya population has never gained full protection due to Malaysia not being a party to the Refugee Convention and its protocol, and in recent years have faced discrimination, arrest, detention, and boat pushbacks.

4. Undetermined Nationalities

In March 2022, the Chief Minister of Sabah announced that 810,443 residents of Sabah are non-citizens. This figure is almost double the UNHCR 2019 estimate of 450,000 stateless persons in Sabah. Most of this population has lived in Sabah for multiple generations yet lacks documentary proof of their connection to their country of origin (the Philippines and Indonesia). It is unclear whether this population is stateless or entitled to citizenship of either Malaysia, the Philippines, or Indonesia.

Reported stateless persons to the UNHCR Country 2019 (year start)2789
Country 2019 (year start) 2020 (year end) 2021 (year end) 2022 (year end)
Malaysia 108,332 111,289 112,420 115,169

Source: UNHCR, Global Trends: Forced Displacement from 2019-2022

Causes of Statelessness

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1. Discriminatory Nationality Laws

Children born in Malaysia out of wedlock (or in situations where the marriage is not recognised by the state, notably non-Islamic customary or religious marriages) to a Malaysian citizen father and a mother who is stateless or whose citizenship cannot be ascertained, are also at risk of statelessness due to discriminatory provision that disallow the transfer of nationality from a father outside of wedlock.

Malaysia’s gender discriminatory nationality laws place a number of children at risk of statelessness. Notably, children born outside of Malaysia to Malaysian citizen mothers and foreign fathers do not immediately gain citizenship of Malaysia. Malaysia’s most notable gender discriminatory provision denies Malaysian mothers equal rights to confer citizenship to men. While policy exists which provides some pathways to citizenship to children in this situation, DHRRA Malaysia has noted that in practice, the process continues to discriminate and remains largely discretionary.

In December 2020, Family Frontiers, a nationality rights advocacy group, and six affected Malaysian mothers challenged the constitutionality of this gender discriminatory provision in Suriani Kempe & Ors (2021). A new parliamentary committee was formed in December 2021 in order to amend the constitution to the benefit of Malaysian mothers. In September 2021, the High Court of Malaysia had ruled that the discriminatory In June 2023, new amendments to the Malaysian constitution were announced, posited to improve the situation of Malaysian mothers regarding conferring citizenship to their children. However, while the new amendment would grant equal rights to women in conferring citizenship, an analysis from the University of Melbourne Peter McMullin Centre on Statelessness has identified that the new amendments are likely to actually increase, not decrease, the number of people affected by statelessness. Perhaps most notably, the amendments would remove the provision (Schedule 2, Article 1(e)) which grants citizenship to children born in Malaysia who would otherwise be stateless, which will be especially detrimental to childhood and intergenerational statelessness in Malaysia.

While the legislation allows that any person who is not eligible for automatic citizenship may seek citizenship by registration, safeguarding children from statelessness, very few applicants are accepted as the process is highly discretionary. On the provision of Schedule 2, Article 1(e), the proposed amendments would also change the wording of granting citizenship to those who would otherwise be stateless from “by operation of law” to “by registration”, which would not only make the eligibility of citizenship, in this case, up to the discretion of the Home Minister but would also remove the potential for applicants to seek judicial review by the courts. This means that those who may have been able to seek redress through citizenship by registration would be unable to access such redress with the passing of the proposed amendments.

The proposed amendments would also remove the right to citizenship for children born to two stateless parents who are permanent residents of Malaysia, which could perpetuate intergenerational statelessness for groups that have resided in Malaysia since before independence. Further, foundling children would no longer have access to citizenship due to the assumption that foundlings are born to a permanent resident mother and the proposed amendments removing the eligibility for citizenship by children of permanent residents. The amendment would further perpetuate childhood statelessness carrying over into adulthood due to the administrative barriers it would place on stateless children applying for citizenship by registration upon becoming an adult. To add to this, if the amendments are passed, foreign women who have gained Malaysian citizenship by registration through marriage could be deprived of citizenship in the first two years of the marriage if the marriage dissolves. In sum, the new amendments would decrease the right to appeal citizenship decisions in courts and increase the government’s discretionary power over Malaysian citizenship. While the amendments have not yet been tabled, the Malaysian cabinet has stated that it “plans to table a bundle of constitutional amendments…”.

2. Lack of Legal Safeguards Against Childhood Statelessness

Abandoned children and foundlings will gain citizenship by “operation of the law”, meaning that the citizenship acquisition is automatic and must be upheld by the government, which if not upheld, can be appealed through the courts. Malaysian law does not explicitly provide for citizenship for stateless children yet does consider citizens to be those born in Malaysia who are “not born citizens of any country” which may provide some protection. Despite the inclusion of the provision which grants citizenship to any child who is born in the territory who does not gain citizenship of another country within one year of birth, the government tends not to implement them in practice due to the absence of administrative procedures for granting citizenship in this way. Often children who are entitled to citizenship under this provision must seek recourse through the courts.

3. Administrative Barriers

A large population of persons of Indian and Chinese heritage who were born in Malaysia prior to its independence and their descendants, while entitled to citizenship under the law of Malaysia did not gain citizenship due to rural isolation, limited knowledge of its importance, and administrative barriers due to lack of documentation. The mobile maritime Sama Baju (Bajau Laut) community also faces barriers to accessing citizenship due to a lack of documentation, which combined with their semi- nomadic lifestyle (which at times leads them to reside in neighbouring states) has led to the denial of their status as citizens.

Malaysia reported a 90-99% birth registration rate in 2018. Birth registration may be a prerequisite for citizenship, especially for children born outside of Malaysia as registration at a consulate is required within one year in order for the child to become a citizen.